On the execution of Saddam
The execution of Saddam, orchestrated by the ignoble USA imperialism and put into effect by the local puppets, is in the first instance a insult, a show of arrogance against the people and the workers of the Arab-Muslim world and their strong anti-imperialist resistance.
Through this, the real dictators of the world want to reaffirm their traditional threat: "In spite of the difficulties that we are facing in our politics of colonization in the area, the hanging of Saddam shows the end that those who don't obey our orders will face." They acted in the usual racist way, typical white-western-"Christian", than is based on their own laws, to the own constitutions, the their own "universal rights of the man", that is based on their own supreme and intangible interests of exploitation and dominion at universal scale. They arrogate at first the right to establish and to designate the "criminals", and then the right to judge them and to punish them.
Such right, based on the legacy of the
colonialism and on the weapons of mass destruction at their disposition,
has been reclaimed in a compact way by all the western powers. It is true:
some western governments, including the Italian one, have expressed just
the dissent about the execution of Saddam, considering it an "error". But
the dispute on "capital punishment yes - capital punishment no" is only a
dispute about which are the more suitable means to catch up the scope that
all the imperialist states and all the western financial and mass media
power centers are pursuing, in competition between themselves. They
dispute on how to crush the anti-imperialist resistance of the working
masses in Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Iran and the entire
Arab-Muslim world, and how to dominate their labor force and oil reserves.
Imperialism, not having been able to use an alive Saddam recycled like Abu Mazen, shows him hung to the Iraqi people and to the working Muslims masses, in order to debilitate the popular resistance and to foment and seed divisions and fractures between the overwhelmed masses of the Islam, between Shiite and Sunnite, between Arabs, Curds and Iranians.
The head of Saddam represents a card that
imperialism plays to try to prevent their own defeat: to spread divisions;
to involve (using their greedy appetites) the various national
bourgeoisies (or under-bourgeoisies); to pour salt and acid on the wounds
opened between the people and the states, that the national bourgeoisies
have not been able and cannot, for their nature of class, cure and exceed.
The same case of Saddam Hussein is
exemplary. For greedy interests, in 1980 Saddam started war against Iran
as soon as Iran was concluding the great popular insurrection of 1979.
With that aggression - one of the true crimes of Saddam, forgotten
by some anti-imperialist - the Iraqi rais helped the imperialism
and the Arabic regimes afraid of the revolutionary wave from Iran. Even
if that counter-revolutionary work has not earned him a long-lasting
gratitude in the "international community" (of the wolfs), it has
contributed to reopen one painful and deep wound with the Iranian nation
and the Shiite populations.
However, just in Lebanon this summer, it has been shown the only possible way to avoid the slaughter between ="font-size: 14pt;">and the capitulation to imperialism: making a popular resistance of unified masses, beyond the religious and national barriers. Moreover, it is has been shown which enormous potentialities for the fight to imperialism are enclosed in the working masses of the Arab-Muslim world. The tragic experience of the Iraqi Baath proves that the full expression of such potentialities requires that proletarians of the Arab-Muslim world count only on their own forces, without entrusting, for their requests and their fight, the direction or the collaboration with their bourgeois classes; requires that they adopt a politics against the bases of the imperialist domination and the capitalistic social relationships. Just for this, the current crash in Middle East requires that the working masses go beyond the limits of the organizations that act today as megaphone of their requests, such as Hezbollah, the one of Moqtada al Sadr, Hamas, or even Al Qaeda. Each of them, even in their mutual differences, shares the national-bourgeois system of the fight against imperialism, which has been typical of the Iraqi Baath.
This task directly calls the western workers, because it deals with their same fight of defense from the capitalistic attack by which they too are targeted, their same fight of social emancipation. The western war of aggression in Middle East and the aggression, bloodless for now, to the conditions and the "rights" of wage workers in the western countries are two faces of the same medal, and must be rejected together. And they can be rejected, provided that there is not, from part of the western workers, support to the "point of view" of the western governments, hawks or fake doves; provided that the western workers quit finally indifference towards the resistance by people that, in the most tremendous difficulties, are fighting also for us, are fighting against our common enemies; provided that the western workers struggle for the immediate withdrawal "without if and but" of the western troops of occupation from the whole Arab-Muslim world.
In the previous years, many workers and many young people have
manifested against the "infinite war" and the other effects of globalized
Capitalism. Now it's necessary to resume with the greatest conviction and
force that vital push, avoiding the "if and but" that had hindered it
from the inside and that had enabled the directions of the
center-left, even the "radical" ones, to deflect it towards the support of
imperialist politics puts into effect by the Prodi government. What a
show, offered by the leaders of the no-global and no-war
movement, with their more or less explicit
approval of the position of the Prodi government about the execution of
Saddam; or, at most, with their "critic" for the insufficient autonomy,
also military, of Italy and Europe from the United States! It is necessary
to go ahead, denounce, and fight against oppression politics carried on by
the Prodi government in Middle East, under the deceptive name of
"interposition between the fighters" and of "peace". It's necessary to
understand the reasons that have brought the movement not war and
not global to the drift and to the impotence, to develop the
analysis of the deep causes of the "infinite war" and build the coherent
perspective required by the fight against of it. It is necessary to
support the anti-imperialist fights of the Arab-Muslims workers - whatever
their direction may be at the moment- to help them to avoid the mortal
risk of implosion. Let's also start a political discussion between the two
"proletarian sides" of the Mediterranean on the strategy to face
effectively the common imperialist and capitalist enemy.
1st January 2007
About the no-war movement, we send back to articles in numbers 59-60-61-62-63 of our newspaper "che fare" and in particular to the following (in Italian):
About the politics of the Iraqi Baath and the anti-imperialist revolution in Iraq and in the Arab-Muslim world, see the articles published in the no. 19 of our newspaper in occasion of the first aggression to the Iraq in 1990-1991 (in Italian):
Organizzazione Comunista Internazionalista