On the execution of Saddam


The execution of Saddam, orchestrated by the ignoble USA imperialism and put into effect by the local puppets, is in the first instance a insult, a show of arrogance against the people and the workers of the Arab-Muslim world and their strong anti-imperialist resistance.

Through this, the real dictators of the world want to reaffirm their traditional threat: "In spite of the difficulties that we are facing in our politics of colonization in the area, the hanging of Saddam shows the end that those who don't obey our orders will face." They acted in the usual racist way, typical white-western-"Christian", than is based on their own laws, to the own constitutions, the their own "universal rights of the man", that is based on their own supreme and intangible interests of exploitation and dominion at universal scale. They arrogate at first the right to establish and to designate the "criminals", and then the right to judge them and to punish them.

Such right, based on the legacy of the colonialism and on the weapons of mass destruction at their disposition, has been reclaimed in a compact way by all the western powers. It is true: some western governments, including the Italian one, have expressed just the dissent about the execution of Saddam, considering it an "error". But the dispute on "capital punishment yes - capital punishment no" is only a dispute about which are the more suitable means to catch up the scope that all the imperialist states and all the western financial and mass media power centers are pursuing, in competition between themselves. They dispute on how to crush the anti-imperialist resistance of the working masses in Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Iran and the entire Arab-Muslim world, and how to dominate their labor force and oil reserves.
This dispute matches the dispute in the imperialism in 2003 about the opportunity of the invasion of the Iraq. The "doves" like Chirac and Schroeder, to catch up the same result of "punishment of the criminal" and the "liberation of the Iraqi people", opposed to the way of the bombs, the tanks, the military occupation chosen by the hawks like Bush, Blair and Berlusconi, and supported the "pacific" and "bloodless" way of the sanctions, the isolation of the regimen, and so on. This dispute regards, therefore, only how to complete the slaughter and the colonization of the Iraqi people. This slaughter has already been done with the embargo for more than a decade, applied by all the imperialist countries and the UN.  The embargo has assassinated more than a million Iraqi, half of them children (and they still have the hypocrisy of claiming to be against the capital punishment!).

Imperialism, not having been able to use an alive Saddam recycled like Abu Mazen, shows him hung to the Iraqi people and to the working Muslims masses, in order to debilitate the popular resistance and to foment and seed divisions and fractures between the overwhelmed masses of the Islam, between Shiite and Sunnite, between Arabs, Curds and Iranians.

The head of Saddam represents a card that imperialism plays to try to prevent their own defeat: to spread divisions; to involve (using their greedy appetites) the various national bourgeoisies (or under-bourgeoisies); to pour salt and acid on the wounds opened between the people and the states, that the national bourgeoisies have not been able and cannot, for their nature of class, cure and exceed. The same case of Saddam Hussein is exemplary. For greedy interests, in 1980 Saddam started war against Iran as soon as Iran was concluding the great popular insurrection of 1979. With that aggression - one of the true crimes of Saddam, forgotten by some anti-imperialist - the Iraqi rais helped the imperialism and  the Arabic regimes afraid of the revolutionary wave from Iran. Even if that counter-revolutionary work has not earned him a long-lasting gratitude in the "international community" (of the wolfs), it has contributed to reopen one painful and deep wound with the Iranian nation and the Shiite populations.
The war by Saddam to Iran was not an "error". It was the coherent application of the nationalist politics of the Baath, that aimed to liberate the "Arabic nation" from the dominion of imperialism without liberating the Middle East and the entire world from the Capitalism, from which that dominion derives. And it deluded itself of being able to make it through the impossible insertion of the Iraqi and Arab capitalism in a world-wide capitalistic market, made also more "fair" through of the real crashes with the western centers of the power, which were for real the nationalization of the oil, the rise (in 1973) of the oil price and the hunting (in 1990) of the Kuwaitian monarchy servant of the West.
Now the Muslim national-bourgeois regimen of Tehran is congratulating as "justice has been done", pretending to ignore that it is just Washington, it is just the Pentagon, is just the world-wide center of the "arrogance" - as Khamenei and Ahmadinejad like to call with great delicacy the imperialism - that controls such "justice". The Iran government gets ready to takes advantage of exploited Shiite as mass of maneuver for its wretch national interests, in the contrast in which it is engaged against imperialism.
The situation towards which the imperialism is pushing, and to which all the bourgeois regimes of the area give objective help (everyone with its wretch interests, and each used by the western maneuver, which in case will not hesitate to hit), is the war between exploited. They prepare, on much bigger scale, a scenario like the Lebanese civil war.

However, just in Lebanon this summer, it has been shown the only possible way  to avoid the slaughter between ="font-size: 14pt;">and the capitulation to imperialism: making a popular resistance of unified masses, beyond the religious and national barriers. Moreover, it is has been shown which enormous potentialities for the fight to imperialism are enclosed in the working masses of the Arab-Muslim world. The tragic experience of the Iraqi Baath proves that the full expression of such potentialities requires that proletarians of the Arab-Muslim world count only on their own forces, without entrusting, for their requests and their fight, the direction or the collaboration with their bourgeois classes; requires that they adopt a politics against the bases of the imperialist domination and the capitalistic social relationships. Just for this, the current crash in Middle East requires that the working masses go beyond the limits of the organizations that act today as megaphone of their requests, such as Hezbollah, the one of Moqtada al Sadr, Hamas, or even Al Qaeda. Each of them, even in their mutual differences, shares the national-bourgeois system of the fight against imperialism, which has been typical  of the Iraqi Baath.

This task directly calls the western workers, because it deals with their same fight of defense from the capitalistic attack by which they too are targeted, their same fight of social emancipation. The western war of aggression in Middle East and the aggression, bloodless for now, to the conditions and the "rights" of wage workers in the western countries are two faces of the same medal, and must be rejected together. And they can be rejected, provided that there is not, from part of the western workers, support to the "point of view" of the western governments, hawks or fake doves; provided that the western workers quit finally indifference towards the resistance by people that, in the most tremendous difficulties, are fighting also for us, are fighting against our common enemies; provided that the western workers struggle for the immediate withdrawal "without if and but" of the western troops of occupation from the whole Arab-Muslim world.

In the previous years, many workers and many young people have manifested against the "infinite war" and the other effects of globalized Capitalism. Now it's necessary to resume with the greatest conviction and force that vital push, avoiding the "if and but" that had hindered it from the inside and that had enabled the directions of the center-left, even the "radical" ones, to deflect it towards the support of imperialist politics puts into effect by the Prodi government. What a show, offered by the leaders of the no-global and no-war movement, with their more or less explicit approval of the position of the Prodi government about the execution of Saddam; or, at most, with their "critic" for the insufficient autonomy, also military, of Italy and Europe from the United States! It is necessary to go ahead, denounce, and fight against oppression politics carried on by the Prodi government in Middle East, under the deceptive name of "interposition between the fighters" and of "peace". It's necessary to understand the reasons that have brought the movement not war and not global to the drift and to the impotence, to develop the analysis of the deep causes of the "infinite war" and build the coherent perspective required by the fight against of it. It is necessary to support the anti-imperialist fights of the Arab-Muslims workers - whatever their direction may be at the moment- to help them to avoid the mortal risk of implosion. Let's also start a political discussion between the two "proletarian sides" of the Mediterranean on the strategy to face effectively the common imperialist and capitalist enemy.

1st January 2007


About the no-war movement, we send back to articles in numbers 59-60-61-62-63 of our newspaper "che fare" and in particular to the following (in Italian):

  • "Giù le mani dal popolo iracheno! Opponiamoci con forza a questa nuova, criminale aggressione!" (che fare n. 59, ottobre 2002)
  • "È forse l'Europa la «grande forza» che può fermare la guerra?" (che fare n. 59, ottobre 2002)
  • "Contro la nuova guerra all'Iraq senza se e senza ma!", "Un altro mondo (senza guerre) è possibile. Senza capitalismo", Dalla parte degli iracheni, nostri fratelli" (che fare n. 60, marzo 2003)
  • "A quelli che sono scesi in piazza e non vogliono tornare a casa", "Perché non c'è stato un vero sciopero generale contro la guerra?" (che fare n. 61, giugno 2003)
  • "E noi, movimento no war in Occidente, cosa stiamo facendo?", "Per incidere il movimento no war deve darsi una direzione all'altezza dello scontro." (che fare n. 63, giugno 2004)

About the politics of the Iraqi Baath  and the anti-imperialist revolution in Iraq and in the Arab-Muslim world, see the articles published in the no. 19 of our newspaper in occasion of the first aggression to the Iraq in 1990-1991 (in Italian):

  • "Il secondo tempo della rivoluzione antimperialista nel mondo arabo-islamico"
  • "Come si è arrivati alla crisi attuale"
  • Il Kuweit: uno "stato" coloniale creato dal colonialismo
  • "Per il petrolio a costo zero"


Organizzazione Comunista Internazionalista